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ITM Master 1. Sem.
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Mi 10.00-11.30 h S 17 2 SWS Course Workload: 30 h classroom work / 150 h self-study ECTS points: 6 Examination: Assignment Paper
REVIEW OF FIVE ARTICLES - Abstract - Introduction - Summary
What discourses the authors identify their paper to be part of? What do they want to achieve? What are they presenting as main conclusion/result?
Turbines Abstract: This study proposes to assess and
empirically verify possible negative effects from the construction of wind turbines on the landscape
image and tourism potential of affected areas, using the example of two comparative
recreational localities in the Czech Republic: one with the construction of a wind farm planned and
the other with an already existing farm. The empirical research consisted of two mutually
linked parts: a questionnaire survey and focused, semi-structured interviews. Emphasis was
placed on the subjective perception of the phenomenon by tourists and local business
representatives from the sphere of tourism. The analysis focuses also on the social-geographical
factors that shape tourists attitudes to the wind energy development dilemma. Keywords: wind
energy, landscape, perception, Czech Republic. _ Growing concern over global climate
changes, energy sustainability, and security has led to increasing
interest in developing renewable energy sources. In this respect, wind
energy has become the most dynamically developing sector. However,
development is not as fast as had been expected in many countries and
wind turbines (hereafter WT) projects are at both local and
regional levels subject to considerable social controversy (Breukers & Wolsink, 2007; Van der Horst, 2007; Wu¨stenhagen, Wolsink,
& Bu¨ rer, 2007). Among the main arguments of opponents recently is,
in addition to the potential impacts of WT on the character of the
landscape, also speculation about their negative effects on tourism in
the affected areas, owing to a suggested loss of attractiveness of
the ‘‘visually polluted’’ landscape (Gordon,
2001). Still, there has been a very limited
number of
studies (including no examples concerned with East-Central Europe) dealing with the specific issue of tourist
perception of the phenomenon, unlike the surveys of general public
opinion of wind energy development or on the local acceptance of WT
projects by residents. The wind energy development, no more than
other energy sectors, has brought about some negatively
perceived impacts on the landscape and the familiar life of local residents (Franta´l & Kucˇera, 2009). The high visibility of WT itself is generally
regarded as its most serious misconduct; consequently, an ideal area does not
exist, only more or less acceptable areas do. On the other hand, unlike
traditional energetic industry, WT do not produce any waste, and are temporary
constructions, being relatively easy to remove from the
sites and recycle after their operating time has passed. They have pros and
cons, and it is difficult, perhaps impossible, for people not to project their
own subjective preferences into assessing a balance between the local impacts on the landscape and environment and the
profits for local community, and the supply for global climate changes.
For developers and planners a relevant consideration should
be that people living in areas that are in some way environmentally
stricken (e.g., by mining activities, smokestacks, or the chemical industry) are
those more likely to support the building up of new and
alternative energy facilities such as WT. Generally, WT can be perceived and
presented both negatively— which is still often the case in political
dictums and in the media, not only in the CR—as constructions which
could frighten away all prospective tourists from the given area
and positively as (a) a complement to the surrounding landscape, a new
architectural element creating new dimension and value; (b) objects
extending the selection of activities for tourists who are interested
in modern technologies, with WT as technical monuments becoming
destinations for educational excursions; (c) constructions bringing to
municipalities direct financial profits which can then be used either in the
form of investments in infrastructure or to promote tourism in the location
(information boards, nature trails, cycling routes,
support of cultural or sport activities, media promotion).
Museums Abstract: This study reconstructs and expands
well-established cultural tourist typologies while offering an alternative
model to help explain the subtle differences between different cultural
tourists in art museums. Keeping in mind that art museum visitors differ from
visitors of other kinds of museums and that museum visitation is not separate
from everyday life, indepth, semi-structured interviews in the participants’
home country were used to explore museum perceptions and memories of past
museum experiences. The main outcome of the study is the identification of
eight different ways of perceiving the art museum whether at home or a tourist
destination. Five case studies are presented in order to demonstrate the need
for more inclusive and flexible typologies. Keywords: typologies, art museum,
cultural tourism, everyday life, museum perceptions. Interestingly, when McKercher (2004) surveyed cultural attractions in five
countries, he found that tourists tended to participate in the same types of
activities regardless of destination. Museums were found to be the most popular
attraction, usually followed by art galleries and monuments. This is not surprising if we consider that
museums help define the overall tourism product of a destination by providing a
sense of a particular time and place that is often unavailable elsewhere (Graburn, 1983, 1998; Tufts & Milne,
1999). Apart from providing a sense of ‘‘hereness’’ (Kirchenblatt-Gimblett,
1998), museums are part of a universal
cultural system for the dissemination of knowledge and experience (Herreman, 1998). As Kirchenblatt-Gimblett
(1998) mentions, ‘‘Tourism needs destinations, and
museums are premier attractions’’ (p. 132). Unfortunately, with a few exceptions, most
tourism studies appear to be fragmented. This is mainly due to the fact that
they investigate specific destinations or institutions and therefore no
generalizations can be made that can eventually help build broad and strong
theories regarding cultural tourism. Furthermore, there seems to be a lack of multi-disciplinary
perspectives (Wall, 2010), which in some cases are essential to analyzing
specific types of cultural tourism. … The good news is that post-modern theories
have ignited new trends in the conceptualization of the tourist experience (Uriely, 2005). To begin with, there is an increased interest in
the performances, subjective experiences, and meanings tourists make (Bærenholdt, Haldrup, Larsen, & Urry,
2007; Edensor, 2000; Prentice, Witt, & Hamer, 1998; Richards & Wilson,
2006). Significantly, the emergence of tourist
typologies is considered a step towards the recognition of the diverse and plural
character of tourist experiences (Cohen,
1979a; Uriely, 2005). Additionally,
while tourism has traditionally been considered as an escape from everyday life
or a form of ‘‘getting away from it all’’ (Graburn, 1989),
increasing evidence supports the view that tourism can be viewed instead as an
extension of everyday life (Kim
& Jamal, 2007). Following these trends in theorizing
tourists’ experiences, this study (a) does not separate everyday life from
tourism experiences; (b) focuses on a specific form of cultural tourism—that of
art museums; (c) acknowledges the subjective nature of
experience without ignoring the factors that help shape it; (d) concerns itself
with the development of a holistic and flexible cultural tourist typology for
art museums which can account for a number of tourist experiences; and finally,
(e) complements and expands rather than contradicts previous typologies. The
two main purposes of this paper are to introduce an alternative cultural
tourist typology for art museums and to argue that exploratory research which
explores emerging narratives and is conducted in the participants’ home
environment can be extremely valuable. Such methodological alternatives can
potentially expose different aspects
of the same intellectual puzzle. To sum up, by pointing out the diversity of tourist
experiences in art museums, this study reconstructs and expands
well-established typologies while offering the MPF model as a more flexible
alternative to help explain the subtle differences between cultural tourists in
art museums without separating tourism from everyday life. Furthermore, it has been
shown that exploratory research which is based on narratives of past
experiences, and not on asking specific questions about specific destinations
or museums, can provide valuable data. By talking about art museums in general,
interviewees were often forced to distil and clarify their perceptions about
art museums and their cultural tourism experiences without separating them from everyday life
or their sense of identity. Nevertheless, future research which will examine
people’s museum perceptions at home as well as at a tourist destination might reveal
more about actual practices as well as provide information about issues of
memory and identity. Finally, as this research investigated cultural tourists
in art museums, no generalizations can be made across other types of cultural
experiences. More research is needed when it comes to cultural tourists in
other kinds of museums in addition to other types of cultural attractions.
Ageing Abstract: This paper provides a reflexive marking of
tourism and ageing research, arguing for a transformation of its research approaches. It
observes that extant research on tourism in later life is largely quantitative and concerned with
developing market-oriented typologies. Here we argue the case for humanist, participatory
approaches to the study of older people that adopt the principles of critical gerontology and
hopeful tourism. We discuss biographical research to illustrate how such enquiry could engage
older people, foreground their voices and agendas and impact on their lives. We conclude
with a four part agenda for tourism and ageing research. Keywords: older people, critical
gerontology, hopeful scholarship, humanist research, biographical research. This paper argues for a transformation of
tourism and ageing research to embrace the principles of critical gerontology
and hopeful tourism scholarship. Tourism enquiry has seen a dramatic growth
over the last 40 years; yet despite the enormous expansion in research and publication,
leading scholars describe a considerable proportion of this research as ‘‘confirmatory’’,
‘‘reproductive’’ (Tribe, 2005) and ‘‘formulaic’’ (Page, 2005) and suggest that the power of qualitative enquiry
remains underserved (Jamal
& Hollinshead, 2000; Phillimore & Goodson, 2004). Arguably this is true of much tourism and ageing research
which has tended to focus on market trends and marginalize personalized
accounts which foreground the voices of older people themselves. In this paper,
we scrutinize tourism and ageing research’s architecture of knowledge and
outline a future research agenda that includes both existing approaches and new
cross-disciplinary enquiry in order to achieve holistic understandings of
tourism in later life. Such a paper is opportune as the dramatic increase in
the numbers of older people means that there is likely to be an acceleration of
tourism research focused on these individuals (Glover & Prideaux, 2009). For example, in more developed countries there is
predicted to be some 1.2 billion people aged 60 and over by 2025, rising to two
billion by 2050—three times as many as today (World Health Organisation, 2009). Our argument in this paper is framed by
what we term hopeful tourism scholarship (Ateljevic, Morgan, & Pritchard, 2007), an emergent knowledge network in
tourism enquiry, which has achieved ‘a measure of success in enrolling people,
ideas and inscriptions’ (Tribe,
2009, p. 12). Hopeful tourism scholarship is a
values-led approach that aims for co-created knowledge based on partnership and reciprocity and regards moral and ethical
obligations as intrinsic to its enquiry (Ren, Pritchard, & Morgan, 2010). It advocates the transformation of
relationships between the researcher and the researched— regarding the latter
not as subjects or even participants in projects, but wherever possible as
co-creators of tourism knowledge (e.g., Sedgley, Pritchard, & Morgan, 2007; Richards,
Pritchard, & Morgan, 2010). In advocating approaches like biographical
research and in focusing on the political, economic and social context of older
people’s lives, we also urge researchers to acknowledge the structural
disadvantages that face many older people across the globe (in particular
economic and health constraints). We must not assume
that all older people are part of the ‘new age’ elderly (Patterson, 2006) with good health and pensions to make tourism
participation possible. However, identifying the structural constraints that
many older people face will not be enough. We must reflect on the potential policy
implications of our work and on what we as tourism researchers might do to
challenge the status quo. Too often, research appears to be undertaken for its
own sake (Walker, 2004), with no positive impact on people’s lives. This is
in fact, the final part of our four part agenda. We suggest that tourism researchers
aspire to advocacy scholarship that promotes the social inclusion, human
dignity and human rights of older people. Involving older people in the
research process and engaging with their agendas is likely to result in studies
that inform policy, work for older people and challenge ageism. It also creates
spaces to challenge negative stereotypes of older people as inactive, dependent
and disengaged and allows academics to work in partnership with older people in
advocacy research which can led to positive social change for us all as we move through the life course.
Backpackers Abstract: This paper offers insights into backpacker
tourism from the People’s Republic of China. Chinese backpackers are a distinctively
post-Mao reform generation growing up at a time when China shifts from Mao Zedong’s socialist
policies to Deng Xiaoping’s policy explorations with capitalism. Through distanced virtual ethnography
of a leading internet forum, it has been discovered that the forum members’ post-Mao
backpacker gazes appropriate the postcolonial spaces of Macau in ways that contradict
existing backpacker ideals and media and academic portrayal and stereotyping of Chinese
youths, particularly concerning gender role adoption and the exoticising of postcolonial
leisurescape. Backpacking in Macau also reveals the communal and differentiated nature of the
tourist gaze and Chinese mobilities. Keywords: backpacking, China outbound tourism, gaze,
cybercommunities, post-Mao China. Proponents of the mobilities paradigm in
the social sciences have variously argued that peoples, places and
images in social life have been, and are, increasingly mobile (Amin & Thrift, 2002; Larsen, Urry, & Axhausen, 2007, p. 85; Sheller
& Urry, 2006; Urry, 2004).
Deriving from studies on backpackers originating
from mobile developed economies (Cohen,
1972, 1973; Elsrud, 2001; Enoch & Grossman, 2010; Loker-Murphy & Pearce, 1995; Murphy,
2001; Murphy & Pearce, 1995; O’Reilly, 2006; Riley, 1988; Sorensen,
2003; Uriely, Yonai, & Simchai, 2002; Vogt, 1976), backpacker, budget and youth tourism studies have seen mobility across national borders and
geographical boundaries as an
integral and unproblematic component of backpacking and expressed as practices of freedom, decadence,
adventure, self-transformation and rites of passage. Building upon the efforts of the
mobilities paradigm, this paper argues for a more nuanced
understanding of this political-geographic aspect of backpacking. In
particular, what happens when backpackers originate from countries where
citizens did not travel freely within and across national territories and
still face travel restrictions from many countries, and what happens
when backpackers travel into a
formerly colonised and ceded territory? Unexpectedly, such socialisation has also been found
to be gender- biased. It is shaped by Confucian ideology commonly
interpreted as Chinese traditions, male and female backpackers
were expected to fulfil their gender roles: men to be assertive,
adventurous and rugged and women to be submissive, domestic and
gentle. This finding can assist future tourism studies in understanding
more of post- Mao Chinese society than what is commonly portrayed in
the media, and for investigating more deeply the nature of social
interactions and gender in this generation’s travel ethnographies.
While post- Mao generations were commonly described in the popular
media as possessing a self-obsessed and materialistic
me-culture, it was revealed in this analysis that the real situation could be
quite the opposite. That is, that peer-affirmation is important
and that it is built on maintaining and developing friendships and
communities, both virtually and
through lived travel experiences.
Packing Abstract: Tourist behaviours can be viewed as
performances on a variety of tourism stages. This article examines tourist packing practices as
planning and preparation for touristic performances. Grounded theory methods are employed to analyze
documentary sources in which tourists describe what and how they pack for air
travel. The article presents a substantive theory of packing for travel. This theory is viewed
through the lens of Giddens’ grand theory of self-identity. The contents of a travel bag
constitute the costumes and props a tourist believes will aid their performance in each tourism
setting. Packing for travel is an act in which the tourist prioritises those items they believe
will most assist the maintenance, construction and articulation of self-identity in new settings. Keywords: tourism as
performance, self-identity,
packing, grounded theory. The study of tourism is likely
experiencing a paradigm shift (Noy, 2008). The performative approach views all
tourism as performance, in which the tourist constructs place and identity (Brown, 2009; Desforges, 2000; McCabe
& Stokoe, 2004; Noy, 2004).
Tourism is performed on stages (Edensor,
2001; Noy, 2008) such as airports,
hotel lobbies, tour buses, attractions and national parks. Here the performance
of the tourist is contextualised and managed by the design of the stage, scripts supplied, and directions given by
tourism management and employees. On tourism stages, tourists’ identities are performed.
There are commonly held understandings of ‘‘how to be a tourist’’ (Edensor, 2001, p. 61), for example how to be an airline
passenger, a hotel guest, or a member of a tour group. ‘‘Tourism constitutes a
collection of commonly understood and embodied practices and meanings which are
reproduced by tourists through performances—in alliance with tourist managers and workers’’ (Edensor, 2001, p. 71). Expected forms of dress, movement, gaze
and expressions of emotion are somewhat prescribed and choreographed for each
tourism stage. Thus tourists construct and reconstruct tourism places by
performing and reacting to these places as prescribed by convention and
imagination. One touristic performance that has
received little research attention is packing for travel. This paper examines
packing for leisure or business travel both as touristic performance and
preparation for touristic performances. The study examines packing as an act of
planning and preparation (Jack & Phipps, 2005; Koc, 2003), by which the leisure or business
tourist anticipates the touristic performances likely during their travels, and
prepares costumes and props that will assist the construction of self-identity
during performances. The substantive theory represents mid-range
theory. It is not presented at the detailed empirical level where one might say
conclusively, a specific practice applies to one group of tourists but not
another. Undoubtedly, future research will observe
heterogeneity in packing practices. We invite future research precisely in this
regard, to compare the packing practices of men and women, business people and
backpackers, and tourists from varying cultures. Such research could
potentially result in the development of a typology of
tourist packers. Gender differences, in particular, should be explored. In some
social environments packing might be viewed as ‘women’s work’ or possibly as ‘men’s
work’ (Zalatan, 1998). The theory of packing presented here could serve as
a useful guide to the formulation of propositions for such research endeavours. Tourism can be viewed as a series of
performances upon tourism stages (Edensor,
1998, 2000, 2001; Haldrup & Larsen, 2003; Noy, 2008). Packing represents an act of planning and
preparation for touristic performances. Packing practices resolve the conflict
between packing too little—and thus lacking adequate costumes and props for
effective touristic performances—and packing too much—and thus impeding freedom
of movement. The contents of a travel bag constitute the costumes and props a
tourist believes will aid their performance in each tourism setting (Goffman, 1959). In packing the travel bag the tourist
prioritises those items they believe will most assist the maintenance,
construction and articulation of self-identity in new settings. Packing is a
performance that helps the tourist create and express self-identity across time
and place (Giddens, 1991).
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Contact:
Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Georg Arlt FRGS |
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